Wednesday, December 25, 2013

House threats against SC ‘retaliatory’

A MAGISTRATE of the Supreme Court said he and his colleagues recognize the unhappiness of congressmen over their decisions on two controversial issues, but threats of impeachment or investigation into judicial funds will not stop them from performing their duties.

“They are just getting back at us,” a justice of the Supreme Court told the Manila Standard on condition of anonymity.

He said members of the Court are aware that some congressmen are making issues of the disqualification of Marinduque Rep. Regina Reyes-Ongkiko and the decision to declare pork barrel unconstitutional.
“Perhaps, it’s really hard to accept for some of them that the billions in discretionary funds that they enjoyed for a long time will be gone just like that,” the justice said, a day after Chief Justice Ma. Lourdes Sereno defended the Judiciary Development Fund.

Sereno explained on Monday that the JDF was a special purpose fund established in 1984, under Presidential Decree No. 1949, precisely to help ensure and guarantee judicial independence.

Court spokesman Theodore Te, maintained that the Supreme Court had no intention to disrespect Congress as a coequal branch of government, as claimed by Oriental Mindoro Rep. Reynaldo Umali, a House prosecutor during the impeachment of former Chief Justice Renato Corona.

“The Constitution gives the Supreme Court the power to strike down acts of Congress which violate the Constitution,” Te said, reiterating that the Court was the agency tasked by the Constitution to review the constitutionality of any legislation.

“Its members cannot be impeached for doing their duty even if members of Congress disagree with the outcome,” Te added.

Te echoed Sereno’s explanation that, unlike congressional pork barrel, the JDF is not discretionary as the law defines how it will be used: 80 percent for cost of living allowances while not more than 20 percent for office equipment and facilities of the courts.

“While the chief justice is given the power to administer and allocate the fund and shall have the sole exclusive power and duty to approve the authorize disbursement and expenditures of the fund, she is not given any discretion on how the funds will be used,” Sereno said in a statement Monday.

Sereno also denied reports that the JDF amounted to some P5 billion, noting that 80 percent of it is released monthly to employees as cost-of-living allowances.

The 20-percent component, on the other hand, had an accumulated balance of P1.435 billion as of last Nov. 30, according to a report by the Supreme Court’s office of fiscal management and budget office.
Of this amount, P732.5 million has been earmarked for the construction of Court of Appeals buildings in Cebu and Cagayan De Oro and consultancy services for the electrical system of the high court in Manila.
Another P620.7 million has been certified as available for various capital outlays, including the procurement of computers, and construction and repair of court houses, she added.

The Court said the 20-percent component, which amounts to P200 million a year, is “barely enough for the court to source its budget for renovations, repairs and construction of halls of justice and for the various equipment needed for court operations.”

The Court said it had already submitted a report on how the JDF was used to the House committee on appropriations during budget deliberations in September.

“The JDF reports are also included in the annual report submitted by the chief justice in August 2013 to the Office Of The President, the Senate president, and the speaker of the House of Representatives. The annual report is also posted in the judiciary’s website and is accessible to everyone,” the Court said.

Since the last quarter of 2011, the Court said, it has been submitting financial reports on the JDF to the Department of Budget and Management.

Sereno issued the statement after Iloilo City Rep. Niel Tupas, chairman of the House committee on justice, said the move to scrutinize the JDF was aimed at reestablishing the chamber’s power after the Court declared pork barrel funds as unconstitutional.

Tupas vowed to give priority to the investigation when Congress resumes session next year amid the demand of congressmen who believe the Court encroached on their power over the purse.

source:  Manila Standard

Tuesday, December 24, 2013

High-stakes SC fight rages on P-Noy pork

PRESSURE TACTICS: The pressure being applied on the Supreme Court by Malacañang and its House allies to uphold the constitutionality of the Disbursement Acceleration Program, a source of presidential pork, is being stepped up as the tribunal prepares to rule on the issue.

The Supreme Court as an institution has no feeling and harbors no fear of anyone. It is not the 15-strong tribunal but its individual members who are heirs to such human frailties as dread and anxiety.
Only an SC justice can succumb to pressure tactics or blackmail. We pray then that justices with pivotal votes will stick to their conviction and that the tribunal will emerge from this bruising high-stakes fight with its integrity intact.
*      *      *
OVERSIGHT POWER: Senior congressmen smarting from the Court’s taking away their pork barrel for being unconstitutional are threatening the justices with impeachment on the basis of their speculation that the tribunal’s Judiciary Development Fund may have been misused.
But if it would be impeachment, who would stand as accused — Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno, the entire SC membership, just the justices appointed by former President Gloria Arroyo, or only those inclined to vote against DAP?
Selective impeachment will be highly suspicious. It will not win public support, unless it is preceded by the usual massive media demolition job on the targeted justices.
The House threatens to unsheathe its oversight sword inserted in the 2014 national budget. The weapon empowers the Congress to review the use of the funds of the Judiciary, a separate branch of government that is guaranteed fiscal autonomy by the Constitution.
In what looks to us like a bad move, Malacañang has joined the fray by commenting and acknowledging that indeed the Congress could (it sounded like “should”) wield its newly acquired oversight powers to check how the SC spends its money.
*      *      *
‘RESBAK’: Noting the looming showdown on the presidential pork (DAP) whose constitutionality is under review by the tribunal, Navotas Rep. Toby Tiangco said:
“The Congress had not questioned the fiscal autonomy of the Supreme Court until now. In street parlance, this is ‘resbak’ (retaliation) from the Congress after the SC declared the lawmakers’ Priority Development Assistance Fund as unconstitutional.”
Tiangco, who is United Nationalist Alliance secretary general, said Liberal Party researchers have been digging up on suspected corruption and misuse of the JDF in complete disregard of the Court’s fiscal autonomy.
But administration stalwart Cavite Rep. Elpidio Barzaga said fiscal autonomy must be subservient to fiscal accountability and responsibility. He pointed out also that the Congress now enjoys oversight powers to review the use of judiciary funds.
*      *      *
PALACE BULLYING: Tiangco said Malacañang and its congressional point men have until Jan. 28, when the SC oral arguments on DAP are to open, to increase pressure on the justices to vote favorably on the presidential pork.

“We’ve to be very vigilant,” he said. “We’ve already seen their moves along the impeachment idea, the Department of Justice-National Bureau of Investigation probe on ‘Ma’am Arlene,’ the scrutiny of the judicial budget, the probe on the JDF and the Special Allowance for the Judiciary.”

He assailed as hypocrisy the Aquino administration’s invoking a 29-year-old Marcos presidential decree to poke into judicial funds. Malacañang’s “bullying,” he said, undermines not only fiscal autonomy, but also the principle of check and balance.

Elsewhere, a ranking member of the Nationalist People’s Coalition disclosed days ago that Liberal party gofers have approached them for support in the threatened filing of impeachment complaints against SC justices who do not support the legality of DAP.

Sources said the administration needs only three more SC votes to tilt the balance in favor of Malacañang on the DAP issue.
*      *      *
IMPEACHMENT UNLIKELY: The decision of the Supreme Court on DAP or presidential pork will have a survival impact on President Aquino and the LP-led administration.

Having DAP declared unconstitutional — like the PDAF before it – could expose President Aquino to possible impeachment, if it could be shown that DAP was created by Budget Secretary Florencio Abad upon his instructions.

At this point, however, even if its constitutionality is voted down by the SC, the President’s impeachment is still a distant possibility.

First, Abad could take the fall by saying DAP was his sole creation on the belief that it was legal and necessary to speed up disbursement and stimulate the economy. He could swear that the President did not order him to create it, although that may sound a bit incredible.

Second, with the President still in virtual control of an overwhelming number of congressmen, it is unlikely that an impeachment complaint against him will prosper.

However, with political loyalty being a transactional item in the legislative market, the votes might shift if/when patronage (pork) funds dwindle and the President’s popularity continues to drop.

*      *      *
RESEARCH: Access past POSTSCRIPTs at www.manilamail.com. Follow us via Twitter.com/@FDPascual. Send feedback to fdp333@yahoo.com

source:   (The Philippine Star)

Monday, December 23, 2013

We have no pork -- SC

THE SUPREME Court (SC) has disputed claims that its judiciary development fund (JDF) is a form of pork barrel following reports that the tribunal also has its own discretionary funds.

The Office of the Chief Justice (OCJ) clarified in a statement the JDF is not a pork barrel fund but a "special purpose fund" which helps ensures the independence of the Judiciary.

"While the Chief Justice is given the power to ‘administer and allocate the fund and shall have the sole exclusive power and duty to approve the authorized disbursements and expenditures of the fund,’ she is not given any discretion on how the funds will be used."

The OCJ also said the Judiciary has submitted to Congress a report on the uses and balances of the JDF.

"The annual report is also posted in the Judiciary’s Web site and is accessible to everyone."

Various lawmakers have questioned the JDF, saying it is a form of pork barrel.

The Supreme Court last month declared as unconstitutional the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) of lawmakers following reports that the congressional funds were channeled to bogus nongovernment organizations implementing ghost projects. -- Mikhail Franz E. Flores

 
source:  Businessworld

Sunday, December 15, 2013

Bangsamoro: Power-sharing and development

FIRST, allow me to share the statement of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy (PCID) on the successful Government of the Philippines-Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GPH-MILF) negotiations in Kuala Lumpur over the weekend.

"The PCID applauds the signing of the Annex on Power Sharing by the negotiating panels of the Philippine Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. We congratulate the members of the panels for reaching this collaborative effort in establishing the Bangsamoro government structure envisioned to be responsive to the aspirations and needs of the region and its people.

"We at PCID see the annex as another step towards the preparation of the legal framework supporting the peace processes in Mindanao. The document should lay the foundation for the long-awaited genuine, inclusive and meaningful political autonomy for the Bangsamoro, with its diversity of peoples and cultures. However, the key is in the enactment of the enabling Basic Law by the Bangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC) that would set the parameters for its interpretation and eventual implementation by the still to be established Bangsamoro Political Entity.

"Mandating the representation of non-Moros, women and other sectors in the regional assembly is laudable, as this will ensure the dividends of peace and developments will be shared equitably, and safeguard their distinct cultures, rights and civil liberties.

"PCID is hopeful that definitive provisions on Ancestral Domain, particularly as it relates to the Indigenous Peoples of the region, will be addressed by the BTC. Another concern is the reported deferment of the delineation of territorial waters, and its inclusion in the last annex on Normalization. These two contentious issues will have to be resolved, as this impact the viability of the Bangsamoro as a distinct politically autonomous region.

"We are hopeful that the provisions embodied in the annex will ultimately motivate all Bangsamoro people to become more involved in the drafting of the Basic Law. With the people’s active engagement in the ensuing public consultations, the envisioned Bangsamoro legal framework would, at the very least, establish an autonomy truly reflective of the aspirations of all Bangsamoro.

"Finally, PCID reiterates its continuing support for the peace process and hopes that the coming new year would be greeted by the signing of the final annex on Normalization."

The three annexes will strengthen the foundation for economic development, thus expanding the economic pie, which will, in turn, strengthen fiscal autonomy. As BTC Chair Mohagher Iqbal said, "Political autonomy without fiscal autonomy, or power without resources will break as soon as it is being put to test."

Allow me to continue the discussions on expanding the economic pie during the "Business and Investment Climate for the Bangsamoro" held at the Waterfront-Insular Hotel in Davao City (Nov. 26-27).

Former National Economic Development Authority (NEDA) Secretary Dondon Paderanga, who chaired the Forum, cited the critical role of the private sector in his synthesis. The private sector is key to bridging the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) -- soon to become the Bangsamoro Region -- from the challenges it faces to the opportunities available in agri-business, power, mining and natural resource development, tourism and trade. To do this, the region must address the constraints: particularly in peace, law and order; sustainable infrastructure, including human infrastructure; skills for the business sector and the state of education; governance and policy. All these have been barriers to sustainable development, as detailed by the presentation of PCID Convenor Urooj Malik, former Director of the Asian Development Bank, and now Bangsamoro Development Authority’s senior adviser for Sustainable Development.

Additional inputs from the private sector with regards to the challenges to competitiveness included: openness to foreign capital participation; fair and equal treatment for foreign and domestic companies; ease of doing business (such as strong arbitration laws in line with international arbitration practice and adherence to international conventions); open and transparent local economy; access to land and a stable and predicable policy environment (political and economic). The Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) and the annexes, in part, address these concerns, but need to be fleshed out by the BTC.

Mr. Paderanga, a native son of Mindanao, summarized the immediate (and doable) strategic interventions: investment promotion and identification of projects as well as for the Bangsamoro to negotiate and determine its economic goals of fiscal autonomy and an autonomous economic strategy, not too tightly bound by the strings of Manila.

In the medium to long-term, the Bangsamoro will need to put the fundamentals in place for business and labor regulation, incentives and business support, land and property rights, banking and finance including Islamic finance.

In a nutshell, the former NEDA Chief said: "Economic Sustainability is critical!" The consensus of the 120 gathered participants: while government will have to focus on policy and institutional options and actions following the FAB and the signed annexes, there are options that are doable now. Further, short-term and long-term strategies must address the four identified thematic areas: sustainable social infrastructure, both human and physical infrastructure; business/labor regulations; financing -- particularly Islamic finance; and land and property rights.

A piece of advice shared by many participants: the Bangsamoro must avoid past mistakes and have a development plan that addresses its unique situation. Tom Allen, Project Director of the conference and former World Bank Country Director, had stated earlier: "It cannot be ‘business as usual’ for the Bangsamoro." Autonomy provides the Bangsamoro with the legal foundation to set its own strategy, a power it has not exploited in the past. Listening intently were Dr. Safrullah Dipatuan and the board of the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA), as were members of the BTC and the Bangsamoro Leadership and Management Institute (BMLI). (It was unfortunate that none of the invited officials from the ARMM Regional Government attended, apart from Board of Investments head Ishak Mastura. (Hmmm. Political dynamics at play?)

The BDA is currently immersed in drafting its Bangsamoro Development Plan. Their timetable: to have the final draft ready by April 2014, ready to be addressed by Congress when it convenes to work on the national budget. Last Wednesday, the World Bank hosted the meeting of government’s development partners to discuss how to provide the assistance needed by the BDA in crafting the Plan.

Time is tight and resources are limited. We hope that the calamities that have visited the Philippines, both disasters due to man and to nature, will not distract government and development partners from their commitment to support the Bangsamoro. We have a window of opportunity, closing fast, to set things right in Muslim Mindanao. For the sake of the nation as well as the long-suffering Bangsamoro, we need to exert all efforts to ensure that the promise of autonomy made to the Bangsamoro decades ago is converted to reality. A truly autonomous Bangsamoro will contribute to the growth and wellbeing of the entire nation. A dysfunctional Bangsamoro, as it is today, will continue to be a millstone that will drag the Philippines down. Seems to me that there is only one rational choice.


source:  Businessworld

Thursday, December 5, 2013

Understanding the PDAF decision

n a unanimous vote, the Supreme Court declared the congressional pork barrel (not just the Priority Development Assistance Fund) unconstitutional, thereby reversing three separate rulings it had issued earlier sustaining the constitutionality of pork barrel. The decision also invalidated illegal provisions in two laws that authorize the President to use the controversial Malampaya fund and the President’s Social Fund, which some, erroneously I believe, call presidential pork.

The main decision was penned by Associate Justice Estela Perlas-Bernabe with Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno, Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio, Associate Justice Arturo Brion, and Associate Justice Marvic Leonen registering their concurring opinions.

Aside from procedural issues, the ponencia resolved two substantive issues, namely: (1) Whether or not the 2013 PDAF article and all other congressional pork barrel laws similar thereto are unconstitutional; (2) Whether or not certain provisions of PD 910,116, relating to the Malampaya funds, and PD 1869, as amended by PD 1993, relating to the Presidential Social Fund, are unconstitutional insofar as they constitute undue delegations of legislative power.

In declaring congressional pork barrel unconstitutional, the Court held that post-enactment measures embedded in the PDAF - project identification, fund release, and fund realignment - are not related to legislative duties, and hence, are encroachments on duties that properly belong to the executive function of budget execution. Second, the individual participation of the members of the Congress is an express violation of the principle of non-delegability of rule-making functions lodged in the Congress.

Further, the Court said that “these post-enactment measures which govern the areas of project identification, fund release and fund realignment are not related to functions of congressional oversight and are violative of the principle of non-delegability since said legislators are effectively allowed to individually exercise the power of appropriation, which is lodged in Congress.

The Court ruled not just on the PDAF but declared unconstitutional all laws, (past, present and future) and formal and informal practices which had allowed legislators to take part in post-enactment and implementation. In my view, this renders the proposed legislative initiative to ban the pork barrel unnecessary.

In her separate opinion, Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno, while agreeing with the result, observed that the ponencia made no doctrinal pronouncement that all lump-sum appropriations per se are unconstitutional. She postulated that wholesale rejection of lump-sum allocations contrives a rule of constitutional law broader than what is required by the precise facts in the case. She further observed that lump-sum appropriations are not textually prohibited by the Constitution.

In the same breath, Justice Brion and Justice Leonen warned against the possibility of the Court exceeding the bounds set by the actual case and controversy; that a total condemnation of lump-sum funding is an “extreme position that disregards the realities of national life,” as Justice Brion stated.

The Court, echoing petitioners, said that “the fact that individual legislators are given post-enactment roles in the implementation of the budget makes it difficult for them to become disinterested ‘observers’ when scrutinizing, investigating or monitoring the implementation of the appropriation law to a certain extent, the conduct of oversight would be tainted as said legislators, who are vested with post-enactment authority, would, in effect, be checking on activities in which they themselves participate.

As to the presidential pork barrel, the ponencia agreed with petitioners that “the phrase “and for such other purposes as may be hereafter directed by the president” under section 8 of PD 910 constitutes an undue delegation of legislative power insofar as it does not lay down a sufficient standard to adequately determine the limits of the President’s authority with respect to the purpose for which the Malampaya funds may be used.

Associate Justice Antonio Carpio, concurring with the ponencia, reasoned that the phrase “for such other purposes as may be hereafter directed by the president” in PD 910 is an undue delegation of legislative power.

For his part, Associate Justice Brion said that the Malampaya fund because of “its purpose and lack of specificity; its lump sum nature and its disbursement solely at the discretion of one man, unchecked by any other; how and why a multi-project and multi-activity fund covering many projects and activities, now and in the future, should be held at the discretion of one man; and the legal situation where the power of congress and its participation in national policymaking through the budget process is disregarded. All these can be encapsulated as violations of the doctrines of separation of powers and checks and balances x x x.”

The main decision concluded that the pork barrel system must be struck down as unconstitutional insofar as, among others, “it has allowed legislators to wield, xxx non-oversight, post-enactment authority in vital areas of budget execution, the system has violated the principle of separation of powers; insofar as it has conferred unto legislators the power of appropriation by giving them personal, discretionary funds from which they are able to fund specific projects which they themselves determine, it has similarly violated the principle of non-delegability of legislative power; insofar as it has created a system of budgeting wherein items are not textualized into the appropriations bill, it has flouted the prescribed procedure of presentment and, in the process, denied the president the power to veto items.”

Emphasizing the deleterious nature of the pork barrel system Justice Leonen most aptly puts it, saying: pork barrel funds historically encourage dole-outs. It inculcates a perverse understanding of representative democracy. It encourages a culture that misunderstands the important function of public representation in congress. It does not truly empower those who are impoverished or found in the margins of our society.”

Facebook Page: Dean Tony La Viña Twitter: tonylavs
source:  Manila Standard today

The ABCs of government budgeting: Part II

CAN THE President unilaterally alter the General Appropriations Act in the guise of accelerating disbursements?

Absolutely not. His mandate is not to speed up disbursement if it will mean abandoning programs and projects that he told Congress are needed to improve the economy and society. The GAA is a contract between the President and Congress, the latter consisting of agents of the people in a representative democracy. What the President asked and what Congress authorized to implement cannot be unilaterally altered by him. Worse, he cannot simply change, revise, dilute and throw away programs, projects and activities that Congress authorized him to implement and replace these with his own programs, projects and activities. That’s usurpation of the congressional power of the purse, which effectively changes the balance of power enshrined in the Constitution.

When the representatives of the people, the members of Congress, prefer A to B while the President prefers B to A and B is chosen, then the choice of one individual wins. This is called ‘dictatorship’.

New spending for programs and projects not part of the GAA -- for example, the P750 million budgetary assistance for the province of Quezon, the P4.5 million for the purchase of additional train cars for Metro Rail Transit (MRT), P8.9 billion worth of assistance for the ARMM to implement the Comprehensive Peace and Development Peace and Development and the P30-billion budgetary support for the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas -- are clearly unconstitutional. The Constitution provides: "No money shall be paid out of the Treasury except in pursuance of an appropriation made by law."

But why can’t the President withdraw the SARO (the authority to enter into contracts) from slow-moving projects?

First, withdrawing the SARO already issued violates his contract with Congress ( and indirectly with the people, his ‘bosses’). For some appropriations, the life of the SARO is two years. For example, appropriations for capital outlays and maintenance and other operating expenditures authorized in 2011 won’t lapse until end of 2012. Why withdraw the SARO only after six months of its issuance? Contracting out takes time. Look at the Department of Transportation and Communications. After more than three years of the Aquino administration, it has successfully bid out and awarded only one public-private partnership (PPP) project. What a dismal performance!

Second, withdrawing the SARO does not guarantee that projects will be done more quickly. An argument can be made that the withdrawal of the SARO might further delay, rather than accelerate, project implementation. Of course, in the case of budgetary assistance to local government units and government corporations like the P30 billion budgetary subsidy for BSP, disbursements is accelerated. But they do not mean the programs and projects that the President committed to do in his budget, which Congress authorized, will be done more quickly, if at all. Remember, the DPWH got an additional P5.5 billion from the Disbursement Acceleration Program I but by the end of December 2011 none had been disbursed.

Third, rather than penalize the slow-moving agency by issuing negative SAROs, in effect reducing the authorized appropriations, thus denying the agency’s potential beneficiaries the benefits of the postponed, reduced, or discontinued programs and projects, why not discipline the head of the agency instead? Suspend or fire the agency head. Why make people suffer for his or her incompetence?

Finally, the President is prohibited by law from impounding appropriations. This prohibition is as clear as sunlight. It needs no interpretation.

WHAT IS THE MEANING OF IMPOUNDMENT?
To impound means to "seize and take legal custody", to sequester, to confiscate. The President cannot impound appropriations.

Section 66 of the General Provisions of the 2011 GAA states: "Prohibition Against Impoundment of Appropriations. No appropriations authorized under this Act shall be impounded through retention or deduction, unless in accordance with the rules and regulations to be issued by the DBM: PROVIDED, That all the funds appropriated for the purposes, programs, projects and activities authorized under this Act, except those covered under the Unprogrammed Fund, shall be released pursuant to Section 33(3), Chapter 5, Book VI of E.O. No. 292."

WHAT ARE THE CONDITIONS FOR THE USE OF SAVINGS FOR AUGMENTATION?
The President may legally use savings for augmentation under the following conditions: first, savings as defined in Section 60 must come from item(s) included in the GAA; second, the item(s) to be augmented exist or included in the GAA; third, the item(s)/source of savings and the item(s) to be augmented must be within the appropriations of the authorized official; and fourth, " in no case shall a non-existent program, activity, or project, be funded by augmentation from savings or by the use of appropriations otherwise authorized in this Act".

WHAT’S THE UNPROGRAMMED FUND? CAN IT BE USED AS FUNDING SOURCE FOR THE DAP?
The use of the Unprogrammed Fund (UF) as a funding source for DAP is a mystery to me. The UF by its nature is a contingent appropriation, It is not part of the Programmed Appropriation. It may tapped only when the revenue collections exceed the original revenue targets submitted by the President, including savings from programmed appropriations for the year.

But in 2011, as in previous years, actual revenue collections were lower than the original target. The original target was P1,410,000,000, while actual collections were P1,359,942,000.

Some components of total revenues, say PAGCOR collections, were higher than target: P11.4 billion actual vs. P10.9 billion target. But for purposes of using the Unprogrammed Fund that’s irrelevant. The GAA talks of revenue collections rather collections for specific tax or non-tax sources.

One exception in the use of the Unprogrammed Fund is in the case of newly approved loans for foreign assisted projects (FAPs). If a loan agreement for FAPs was already perfected during the fiscal year, a SARO covering the loan proceeds may be issued, charged against the UF.

In 2011, total unprogrammed appropriations for "support to foreign-assisted projects" was P10.8 billion (approximately $245 million); I doubt if foreign loans for specific projects worth that much were perfected in 2011.

The author is Professor of Economics at the U.P. School of Economics and former Secretary of Budget and Management.


source:  Businessworld

Tuesday, November 19, 2013

2013: SC declares PDAF unconstitutional

MANILA, Philippines—Voting 14-0, the Supreme Court on Tuesday declared as unconstitutional the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) or “pork barrel.”

In the decision authored by Associate Justice Estela Perlas Bernabe, the high court declared as unconstitutional the entire 2013 PDAF.

The high court also nullifies “all legal provisions of past and present Congressional Pork Barrel laws, such as the previous PDAF and Countrywide Development Fund (CDF) articles and the various Congressional Insertions, which authorize/d legislators-whether individually or collectively organized into committees—to intervene, assume or participate in any of the various post-enactment stages of the budget execution.”

At the same time, the high court also nullified the laws that provided lawmakers lump-sum allocations to fund their chosen projects.

“All informal practices of similar import and effect, which the Court similarly deems to be acts of grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of discretion,” are also declared void.

“Accordingly the Court’s temporary injunction dated Sept. 10, 2013 is hereby declared to be permanent. Thus, the disbursement/release of the remaining PDAF funds allocated for the year 2013, as well as for all previous years…are hereby enjoined,” the high court said.

The high court ordered the Department of Justice and the Office of the Ombudsman to investigate and file the needed cases against all government officials as well as private individuals involved in the improper disbursement of PDAF.

Among those who separately petitioned the court to scrap the PDAF system are losing senatorial candidates Samson Alcantara and Greco Belgica.

Petitioners pointed out that the system on discretionary funds of both Congress and Malacañang violated the constitutional limits given to the executive and the legislative because they were able to spend money beyond what was approved by Congress “since these are lump sum funds.”

On the other hand, the government through the Office of the Solicitor General said the high court has upheld the constitutionality of the PDAF system in previous cases, including LAMP vs. DBM.

Below is a copy of the Supreme Court ruling:
source:  Philippine Daily Inquirer

 
 


Full copy of the Supreme Court Decision by Manila Bulletin

In view of the constitutional violations discussed in this Decision, the Court hereby declares as UNCONSTITUTIONAL: (a) the entire 2013 PDAF Article; (b) all legal provisions of past and present Congressional Pork Barrel Laws, such as the previous PDAF and CDF Articles and the various Congressional Insertions, which authorize/d legislators—whether individually or collectively organized into committees—to intervene, assume or participate in any of the various post-enactment stages of the budget execution, such as but not limited to the areas of project identification, modification and revision of project identification, fund release and/or fund realignment, unrelated to the power of congressional oversight; (c) all legal provisions of past and present Congressional Pork Barrel laws, such as the previous PDAF and CDF Articles and the various Congressional Insertions, which confer/red personal, lump-sum allocations to legislators from which they are able to fund specific projects which they themselves determine; (d) all informal practices of similar import and effect, which the Court similarly deems to be acts of grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of discretion; and (e) the phrases (1) “and for such other purposes as may be hereafter directed by the President” under Section 8 of Presidential Decree No. 910 and (2) “to finance the priority infrastructure development projects” under Section 12 of PD 1869, as amended by PD 1993, for both failing the sufficient standard test in violation of the principle of non-delegability of legislative power.”
 
“WHEREFORE, the petitions are PARTLY GRANTED. In view of the constitutional violations discussed in this Decision, the Court hereby declares as UNCONSTITUTIONAL: (a) the entire 2013 PDAF Article; (b) all legal provisions of past and present Congressional Pork Barrel Laws, such as the previous PDAF and CDF Articles and the various Congressional Insertions, which authorize/d legislators—whether individually or collectively organized into committees—to intervene, assume or participate in any of the various post-enactment stages of the budget execution, such as but not limited to the areas of project identification, modification and revision of project identification, fund release and/or fund realignment, unrelated to the power of congressional oversight; (c) all legal provisions of past and present Congressional Pork Barrel laws, such as the previous PDAF and CDF Articles and the various Congressional Insertions, which confer/red personal, lump-sum allocations to legislators from which they are able to fund specific projects which they themselves determine; (d) all informal practices of similar import and effect, which the Court similarly deems to be acts of grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of discretion; and (e) the phrases (1) “and for such other purposes as may be hereafter directed by the President” under Section 8 of Presidential Decree No. 910 and (2) “to finance the priority infrastructure development projects” under Section 12 of PD 1869, as amended by PD 1993, for both failing the sufficient standard test in violation of the principle of non-delegability of legislative power.

Accordingly, the Court’s temporary injunction dated September 10, 2013 is hereby declared to be PERMANENT. Thus, the disbursement/release of the remaining PDAF Funds allocated for the year 2013, as well as for all previous years, and the Malampaya Funds under the phrase, “and for such other purposes as may hereafter be directed by the President” pursuant to Section 8 of Presidential Decree No, 910, which are, at the time this Decision is promulgated, not covered by Notice of Cash Allocations (NCA) but only by Special Allotment Release Orders, whether obligated or ot, are hereby ENJOINED. In similar regard, the Court also enjoins the release of funds sourced from the Presidential Social Fund under the phrase, “to finance the the priority infrastructure development projects” pursuant to Section 12 of Presidential Decree No. 1869, as amended by Presidential Decree No. 1993. Said funds covered by this permanent injunction shall not be disbursed/released but instead returned to the general coffers of the government, except for the funds covered by the Malampaya funds and the Presidential Social Fund which shall remain therein to be utilized for their respective special purposes not otherwise declared unconstitutional.

On the other hand, due to improper recourse and lack of proper substantiation, the Court hereby DENIES petitioners’ prayer seeking that the Executive Secretary and/or the Department of Budget and Management be ordered to provide the public and the Commission on Audit complete lists/schedules or detailed reports related to the availments and utilization of the funds subject of these cases. Petitioners’ access to official documents already available and of public record which are not related to these funds must, however, not be prohibited but merely subjected to the custodian’s reasonable regulations or any valid statutory prohibition on the same. This denial is without prejudice to a proper mandamus case which they or the Commission on Audit may choose to pursue through a separate petition.

The Court also DENIES petitioners’ prayer to order the inclusion of the funds subject of these cases in the budgetary deliberations of Congress as the same is a matter left to the prerogative of the political branches of government.

Finally, the Court hereby DIRECTS all prosecutorial organs of the government to, within the bounds of reasonable dispatch, investigate and accordingly prosecute all government officials and/or private individuals for possible criminal offenses related to the irregular, improper and/or unlawful disbursement/utilization of all funds under the Pork Barrel System.
This Decision is immediately executory but prospective in effect.”


11/19/13 - SC decision restores normal constitutional order

As early as 1994, the constitutionality of the pork barrel, then called the Countrywide Development Fund (CDF), was challenged on the ground of violation of the rule that, although appropriating money is the function of Congress, spending it is the prerogative of the executive branch.

The Supreme Court ruled in favor of the CDF. It said that what the law allowed members of Congress to do was simply to recommend projects. If the recommended projects qualified for funding under the CDF, it was the President who would implement them.

Prior to the approval of the 1994 General Appropriations Act (GAA), pork barrel, which was recognized by the 1935 Constitution as a legitimate institution, had not received much attention. In the years from 1972 to 1986, there was no talk about pork barrel. But those were unusual years because, for all practical purposes, President Ferdinand Marcos controlled the national treasury, both pork and beef.

After the restoration of democratic processes and in the years from 1986 to 1993, pork barrel was not a hot subject of debate. It was only after the approval of the 1994 GAA that pork barrel became a frequent front-page subject for heated discussion.

What was it in the 1994 GAA that invited debate?

Earlier pork barrel laws specifically stated that the money could be released only with the approval of the President, and that the budget secretary should promulgate rules and regulations for pork barrel funds.  For as long as this was followed, there was no problem. However, such requirements were removed by the 1994 GAA, Republic Act No. 7663.

Officials concerned
RA 7663 simply said: “The fund shall be automatically released quarterly by way of Advice of Allotments and Notice of Cash Allocation directly to the assigned implementing agency not later than five (5) days after the beginning of each quarter upon submission of the list of projects and activities by the officials concerned.”
Who are these “officials concerned”? They are senators, representatives, and the Vice President. In effect, RA 7663 gave to the members of Congress control over the release of approved funds.

Whereas under the Constitution it is the President, either directly or through executive agencies, who should control the release of funds, the executive agencies awaited the go-signal of the members of Congress before they could release the funds for the projects recommended by the members of Congress. 

The decision Tuesday of the Supreme Court restores the normal constitutional order of handling public money. The first destination of money coming in for the public, either as taxes or other forms of income, is the public treasury. And such money stays in the treasury until Congress determines how it is to be used.
As the Constitution says, “No money shall be paid out of the Treasury except in pursuance of an appropriation made by law.” The appropriation can be either through the general appropriations law or through special appropriations. This provision prevents members of Congress, and the President, from indiscriminately spending unappropriated money.

Now that we have the Supreme Court decision, unappropriated and unspent money will have to be returned to the general coffers of government “except for the funds covered by the Malampaya Fund and the Presidential Social Fund, which shall remain therein to be utilized for their respective special purposes not otherwise declared unconstitutional.”

Effect on President
What effect will this decision have on President Aquino’s capacity to meet emergency situations? I do not know how much money the President has in the contingency provisions for him in the general appropriations law.

Does he have the resources needed to deal with the effects of the October earthquake in Bohol and now also with the ravages caused by Supertyphoon “Yolanda?” At the rate the President is reassuring the survivors of the ravages caused by nature, he probably is confident that he has the resources. If needed, he can call Congress to a special session to appropriate what more is required.

The beneficiaries of the pork barrel will probably be unhappy with the high court’s decision. Many of them really needed what the pork barrel system had given them. That need of many remains.




The challenge now is for Congress and for the President to devise something constitutional to fill the vacuum left by the Supreme Court’s decision declaring pork barrel unconstitutional.


source:  Philippine Daily Inquirer's Column of


11/19/13 - Statement by Senate President Franklin M. Drilon
on the Supreme Court's ruling on the PDAF




"We welcome the decision of the Supreme Court declaring the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) unconstitutional. We will abide by the decision of the Supreme Court."

"The highest court's decision is moot and academic insofar as the Senate is concerned, as the senators have already waived their use of the remaining PDAF for 2013. Also, a majority of the senators, at least 15 of us, have already decided to fully delete the PDAF in the 2014 budget, which in effect will lower the country's budget deficit pegged at P266.2 billion."

"With this decision, we are now eyeing the passage of a supplemental budget for 2013 - and we will thereafter urge the President to certify it as urgent - in the amount of P14.5 billion representing the unutilized PDAF for 2013, which the executive may use to bolster its relief operations and rehabilitation of areas affected by the recent calamities, particularly typhoon Yolanda, Santi, Labuyo, and as well as the siege in Zamboanga City and the 7.2 magnitude earthquake in Visayas."

"I believe the SC decision reinforces the government's efforts to reform the country's political system and likewise affirms the Senate's position that PDAF must be abolished."

"Everybody is stepping in the right direction, as the abolition of PDAF system should be the start of more reforms aimed at curbing corruption and misuse of taxpayers' money."
"With the abolition of PDAF, we will also dismantle the system of political patronage that has stunted socio-economic development and allowed a few to maintain their political dominance in certain areas."

"The Senate will see to it that henceforth, all officials shall adhere to laws and rules and regulations governing the use of public funds."


11/15/13 - SC sets rules on DAP hearing

Lawyers for the petitioners and Malacañang will be confined to argue on six issues when the Supreme Court holds the public hearing on the legality of the Disbursement Acceleration Program.

In an advisory released Thursday, the SC set two categories--procedural and substantive--the issues to be tackled on November 19.

On a technical level, the SC directed parties to resolve if there is a controversy ripe for judicial determination, if petitioners have legal standing to question DAP and whether certiorari, prohibition and mandamus are proper remedies to assail the constitutionality and validity of the DAP.

The substantive aspect covers whether or not the DAP violates Sec. 29, Art. VI of the constitution, mandating that “no money shall be paid out of the treasury except in pursuance of an appropriation made by law.”

The SC justices approved the guidelines in session last Tuesday.

The nine petitions against DAP were filed earlier by former Iloilo Rep. Augusto Syjuco, lawyers Jose Malvar Villegas Jr. and Manuelito Luna; Philippine Constitution Association; Integrated Bar of the Philippines; the militant Bayan Muna, Kabataan and Gabriela party-list groups; Christian sects led by losing senatorial candidate Greco Belgica; Confederation for Unity, Recognition and Advancement of Government Employees; and the Volunteers Against Crime and Corruption.

They alleged that the discretionary fund of the President violated the legislature’s power of the purse.

The respondents in the case--Office of the President, Department of Budget and Management and the Senate and House of Representatives--have asked the SC to dismiss all petitions for lack of merit.

Solicitor General Francis Jardeleza argued there was “no genuine question of law, only error in petitioners’ appreciation of the facts” and that critics could have just conducted “reasonable inquiry and reading of publicly available information.”

source:  Manila Standard



10/31/13:  Oral arguments on DAP to focus on six issues

PARTIES to the pending petitions on the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) filed at the Supreme Court (SC) have proposed six issues to be discussed in the impending oral arguments on the controversial stimulus funds.

In a press briefer, the SC’s Public Information Office (PIO) said debates will include the real nature of the DAP, whether it is a fund or a program.

Oral arguments will also tackle the legal basis for the creation of the DAP, its constitutionality based on fund releases upon requests of lawmakers and the definition of “savings” under the Constitution and other rules. Lastly, the debates will cover the DAP’s legality as a program based on existing laws, the DAP funds’ constitutionality in augmenting the General Appropriations Act.

The SC has allotted 30 minutes for the petitioners and respondents. The time will not include justices’ interpellation of the speakers.

Petitioners will submit to the SC, through the assigned justice, their proposal on how to divide the time allotment as well as the order and identity of speakers.

Petitions challenging the DAP will be heard on oral arguments on Nov. 11 starting at 10 a.m.

“The argument will be on the merits of the petitions as well as the need to issue a stay order.”

The SC likewise ordered the solicitor general to comment on the consolidated petitions by Nov. 7.

A total of seven petitions are questioning the DAP’s constitutionality.

The latest petition was filed by losing senatorial candidate Greco Antonious Beda B. Belgica, Bishop Reuben M. Abante and Rev. Jojo L. Gonzales. -- Mikhail Franz E. Flores


source:  Businessworld